ROMANIA: The Legionnaire Movement – Past Echoes, Present Impact

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Since Călin Georgescu's unexpected victory, there has been considerable discussion surrounding the legionnaires and Romania's ultra-fascist Legionnaire Movement.

This week, we delve into the origins of this movement and examine its resurgence in contemporary Romanian politics. Georgescu is a prominent figure associated with these ideas, but unfortunately, he is not alone in propagating this harmful rhetoric within Romania's political sphere.

 
WHAT WAS THE LEGIONNAIRE MOVEMENT?

The Legionnaire Movement, also called the Iron Guard and formally known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael, was a far-right, ultra-nationalist organization that emerged in Romania during the interwar period.

Founded in 1927 by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, it combined radical nationalism, fervent antisemitism, and Orthodox Christian mysticism. The movement sought to create a "spiritually pure" Romania, free from perceived external and internal threats, particularly targeting Jewish communities. Its ideology centered on the belief that Romania’s problems could only be solved through the establishment of a militarized, theocratic state led by a morally "pure" elite.

Violence was a hallmark of the Legionnaire Movement. Its paramilitary wing, known as the "Green Shirts," carried out acts of terror, including assassinations of political opponents and critics. Among their most infamous acts were the 1933 assassination of Prime Minister Ion G. Duca and the killing of other high-profile figures who opposed their rise. Their tactics went beyond political violence, fostering a climate of fear and intimidation throughout Romania. Their use of religious symbolism and a martyrdom ethos added a fanatical dimension to their operations, portraying their actions as part of a divine mission.

The Legionnaires reached the peak of their political influence in 1940 when they briefly ruled Romania as part of a coalition with General Ion Antonescu in the National Legionary State. However, their extremism and internal power struggles led to a violent crackdown by Antonescu, culminating in the Iron Guard's failed rebellion in early 1941. Despite being ousted from power, the group’s ideology lingered, with remnants continuing their activities in exile or underground networks during and after World War II.

Their violent tactics, extremist ideology, and antisemitic rhetoric contributed to the persecution and suffering of countless individuals, particularly during the Holocaust. The movement was dismantled after the war, however its ideas haven't disappeared.

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

WHAT ABOUT THE PRESENT DAY?

The legacy of the Legionnaire Movement remains a contentious and polarizing issue in contemporary Romanian politics. While its violent history and antisemitic ideology are widely condemned, some far-right groups and individuals have sought to rehabilitate its image, often framing the movement as a symbol of patriotism and moral integrity. These groups selectively highlight the Legionnaires' anti-corruption and nationalist rhetoric while minimizing or ignoring their fascist and violent actions. Symbols and references to the movement occasionally resurface, sparking public debates and controversy, particularly in online spaces or fringe political gatherings.

Mainstream Romanian politics largely distances itself from the Legionnaire Movement, supported by laws prohibiting the promotion of fascist ideologies, Holocaust denial, and the display of Legionnaire symbols. However, enforcement has been inconsistent, and ambiguous or sympathetic remarks by public figures occasionally ignite backlash. Efforts to educate about the movement’s destructive role have grown, yet the lingering romanticization of its ideology in certain circles underscores the ongoing struggle between confronting Romania's darker historical chapters and moving forward as a democratic society.

WHAT FAR-RIGHT GROUPS ARE PROMOTING LEGIONARISM?

This is where the situation becomes particularly intriguing. Călin Georgescu, a confirmed candidate in the second round of Romania's Presidential Elections, has ignited controversy with his open admiration for General Ion Antonescu and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu—prominent figures in Romania's far-right Legionnaire movement during the prelude and early years of World War II.

On today’s political spectrum, the far-right Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), led by George Simion, is rapidly gaining momentum. Simion champions nationalist policies and expresses strong anti-Western views, advocating for Romania to adopt a neutral stance in global affairs while reducing reliance on international alliances. AUR appeals to traditionalist and nationalist sentiments, positioning itself as a counterbalance to Romania’s integration into Western institutions like the EU and NATO.

Similarly, the far-right SOS RO party, under the leadership of controversial MEP Diana Șoșoacă, promotes an ultra-nationalist, self-reliant vision for the country. Șoșoacă emphasizes religious conservatism, national sovereignty, and a rejection of globalization, often delivering her views with inflammatory rhetoric and conspiratorial undertones.

These parties are steadily carving out a larger role in Romania’s political landscape. In the December 1st parliamentary elections, AUR captured 18.01% of the vote, while SOS RO surpassed the 5% threshold with 7.36%, securing seats in parliament. Their combined success signals a growing appetite among segments of the electorate for nationalist and anti-establishment platforms, raising concerns about the trajectory of Romania’s political and social policies.

Adding to this mix is the emerging Party of Young People (POT), led by former AUR politician Anamaria Gavrilă. POT narrowly secured seats in both the Senate and House of Representatives with 6.46% of the vote. Characterized as far-right, sovereigntist, anti-establishment, and populist, POT officially identifies as center-right but lacks a coherent political platform. Instead, the party frequently invokes vague notions of a “Romanian mission” and relies on religious and spiritual rhetoric. Its policies include opposition to abortion rights, vaccine hesitancy, the promotion of traditional Christian values, and support for free-market economics. Widely regarded as Eurosceptic, POT has faced accusations of financial opacity and alleged ties to shadowy influence networks. Often described as the “new AUR,” POT positions itself in staunch opposition to Romania’s dominant PSD and PNL parties.

While individually, these far-right and nationalist parties, apart from AUR, have limited influence, their combined presence could significantly shape the future composition of Romania’s government. If Călin Georgescu were to win the presidency, it could pose a substantial challenge to Romania’s aspirations for freedom, democracy, and a pro-Western future.

2024 Romanian Parliamentary Elections results, held on 1 December 2024 (credit)
 
CONCLUSION

Romania has a long and challenging history marked by anti-democratic governments that have severely impacted its people, curtailing their fundamental rights to freedom, liberty, and choice. From the rise of the Legionnaire Movement in the 1930s and 1940s, with its ultranationalist and authoritarian agenda, to the oppressive regime of Nicolae Ceaușescu, these periods of turmoil serve as stark reminders of the consequences of extremism and authoritarian rule. Haven’t we, as a nation, learned the lessons of these dark chapters?

The way forward for Romania is not by aligning with authoritarian powers like Russia or by reverting to extreme ideologies that stifle freedom. Instead, the path to a brighter future lies in embracing a pro-Western, pro-European Union, and pro-NATO vision. A government and president committed to these values will not only ensure Romania's security and prosperity but also position the country at the forefront of global progress. Such leadership must be unafraid to tackle modern challenges head-on and seize the opportunities of an interconnected, democratic world.

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