UKRAINE: Life Under Russian Occupation

Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, Russian forces have temporarily occupied various regions of the country. In some cases, these occupations were brief, with Ukraine successfully liberating the affected towns. In others, the occupation has persisted much longer—such as in Crimea, occupied since 2014, and Mariupol, under Russian control since March 2022. In these areas, Ukrainians endure dire conditions and brutal treatment at the hands of enemy forces, a stark contrast to how Ukrainians treat Russians in liberated areas in Russia, such as in the Kursk Oblast.

In this blog post, we will explore what life is like for Ukrainians living under occupation, including a closer examination of the conditions in filtration camps.
 
 
 THE OCCUPIED REGIONS

In 2014, Russia occupied Crimea and parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, areas that remain under Russian control today. Following the full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, Russian forces expanded their occupation to territories near Kyiv, including Bucha, Irpin, and Hostomel, as well as to the northern regions of Sumy and Chernihiv, and parts of the Kharkiv and Kherson regions. However, these areas were eventually liberated by the Ukrainian army.

Once these towns were freed, the true extent of the atrocities committed by Russian forces became apparent. Evidence emerged of mass executions, with innocent civilians living in cramped, squalid conditions, deprived of essential supplies, and constantly in fear for their lives.
 
A map of Russian controlled territory up to 19 August 2024 (Copyright: Yakiv Gluck )
 
LIFE UNDER OCCUPATION

Life under occupation is incredibly difficult, as highlighted in a recent, well-conducted study by Julia Friedrich. Friedrich interviewed individuals who lived in various occupied towns for different lengths of time, and despite the varying durations, their experiences were strikingly similar. I will refer to some of the answers in the study throughout this blog post. 

Participants described how essential services such as electricity, water, and food were cut off during the occupation. Inhabitants often had to risk their lives to access water from wells that were several kilometers away from their homes. A severe shortage of necessities ensued as Russian forces prevented people from working. The enemy soldiers also looted and damaged stores, taking whatever they wanted. Even when food and supplies eventually began to trickle into these occupied regions, Russian soldiers would seize the best of it for themselves.

Ukrainians living under occupation also reported enduring violence at the hands of Russian forces, including physical and sexual abuse. Many were taken to interrogation basements, where they were tortured for information—sometimes for merely angering a Russian soldier. Electrocution was the most common method of torture, and sexual assaults, often carried out in front of family members, were not uncommon. Women frequently bore the brunt of searching for water and food, as it was far more dangerous for men, especially Donbas veterans from 2014, due to targeted violence by Russian soldiers.

The occupation also severely disrupted children's education, as occupiers sought to erase Ukrainian identity. Teachers were forced to deliver a hybrid curriculum that included a Russian version of Ukrainian history. Some educators refused to comply, leading to unqualified individuals taking their place. In these classrooms, children were subjected to brainwashing. The erasure of Ukrainian identity extended further, with citizens forbidden from speaking Ukrainian, compelled to use Russian, and forced to obtain Russian documentation. 

Among the most horrific of these atrocities is the kidnapping of Ukrainian children, who were taken to Russia and placed with Russian families. These stolen children often face abuse and are treated extremely poorly. They are beaten, not given enough food or adequate living conditions, and are not allowed to practice their own Ukrainian culture.

Many Ukrainians living under occupation were eventually forced to obtain Russian citizenship and passports, as access to basic services like medical care and food was often contingent upon holding these documents. Unfortunately, in many occupied areas, Ukrainians had to endure time in filtration camps before they could obtain the official documentation needed to continue a semblance of "normal" life under occupation.

There are reports that Russian forces arrived in occupied regions with precompiled lists of individuals wanted by the FSB or GRU for questioning. These lists included government officials, intellectuals, and Donbas veterans. The occupiers also raided local police stations and administrative offices to gather more information. Armed with these details, they would visit the homes of these "undesirables," ransack their properties, and search for further intelligence.

Another tactic of the occupation was the Kremlin's concentrated effort to repopulate these Ukrainian territories with Russians. Homes taken from displaced Ukrainians were sold at low prices to entice Russians to move to the region, making future efforts to de-Russify these areas more challenging, even if they are eventually liberated.

RUSSIAN COLLABORATORS AND FIGHTING FOR UKRAINE

The survey participants generally did not share experiences of collaboration with the Russians, although they did witness it in their towns to varying degrees. Collaboration could take many forms; for example, accepting Russian documents, such as a passport, could be considered collaboration under the Ukrainian law. Another form might involve continuing to provide services like sanitation or teaching under the occupation.

Such collaboration can sometimes be understood, especially when the occupation is prolonged, and people need access to essential services.

More overt forms of collaboration include participating in the war on the Russian side or taking part in the administration of occupied towns in a governmental or bureaucratic capacity. Typically, these roles are filled by Russian officials who move in as soon as a town is occupied.

In occupied regions, people generally fall into three categories: those who try to avoid involvement and just live their lives day to day, those who collaborate with the Russians for various reasons, and those who actively resist the occupation. Some people in occupied regions secretly relayed Russian military positions to the Ukrainian army, which made them feel connected to the outside world and gave them a sense of service. If they were caught doing this by the Russians, then it would be instant execution.

FILTRATION CAMPS AND LOCATIONS

The Russians have established filtration camps across the occupied territories in the Donbas region. There are over 20 known sites of such camps in Donbas. According to a study by the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, these filtration camps can be categorized into official and unofficial locations. Official camps are typically found in schools, prisons, and administrative buildings. The unofficial ones are set up in places unfit for human habitation, such as cellars, garages, sheds, or bomb shelters. They are often lacking sanitation, lighting, water, or heating. 
 
There are rumors that Russians have set up the latest filtration camps in Vovchansk, after leaving most of the city in ruins from heavy bombings and fighting.

Both men and women are taken to these camps, and then separated by gender. They are examined for tattoos that might indicate affiliation with the Ukrainian armed forces or any Nazi symbols, such as the Azov Battalion markings. Strip searches are conducted, and personal belongings, including phones, are scrutinized, often by FSB agents who run these camps. After the search, individuals are subjected to interrogations, which can involve beatings, torture, and sexual assault.

In some occupied areas, filtration was mandatory before Ukrainians could receive the Russian documentation needed to access basic services and food.

Detention in these camps can range from a few days to several months. In some cases, individuals simply disappeared from these camps, having been killed and their bodies disposed of without proper notification to their families.
 
Vovchansk has been left in ruins after Russian bombings (Copyright: Sky News)
 
ESCAPE AND LIBERATION     
    
When discussing life in occupied territories, we must also address the challenges of leaving or escaping. Both options are often stressful, expensive, and dangerous. In many areas, such as Mariupol, humanitarian corridors were established early in the war, but these routes were frequently not respected, with people being shot at, bombed, or otherwise harmed while trying to leave. Escape through a smuggler is also costly; one study participant reported paying as much as €10,000 to be smuggled to the Ukrainian side.

The fear of leaving is compounded by the risk of being killed or sent to a filtration camp if caught. Many people are also reluctant to leave because they have family members, like elderly parents, who cannot be abandoned. In some cases, those who wish to escape are themselves too frail or elderly to make the journey.

For those who cannot escape or leave, communities in the occupied territories often come together to support one another. Neighbors help each other, and some take on the responsibility of looking after the properties of those who have fled.
 
 
CONCLUSION

Living under Russian occupation is an incredibly difficult and dangerous experience, especially when facing an enemy that disregards international conventions of war and seeks to commit genocide and erase an entire culture. This is a crucial reason why Western allies should not pressure Ukraine to cede territories. Under such circumstances, millions of people would face daily life marked by severe oppression and atrocities reminiscent of Stalin's purges.

The only acceptable response is to arm Ukraine and support the Ukrainian people in pushing this terrorist enemy back behind its borders, liberating all Ukrainians living under temporary occupation.

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