THEY TALK SUOMI: The Puppet Government of Terijoki
This week, we are pleased to present a feature post by TheyTalkSuomi on the Terijoki Puppet Regime. TheyTalkSuomi is a Finnish-language YouTube channel that delves into Finnish folklore, history, and a variety of other captivating topics related to Finland. You can explore and subscribe to the channel here. Don't miss out on their engaging content!
Before the Winter War began, the Russians demanded border changes from Finland, seeking to revert to the boundaries established in the Peace of Tartu two decades earlier, which were then agreed upon for the Soviet Union. Stalin cited the security of Leningrad, now St. Petersburg, situated close to the border, as a pretext. However, the true motive was to fulfill the secret additional protocol of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with Germany, which designated Finland, the Baltic states, and eastern Poland within their sphere of influence.
When the Baltic states acquiesced to Moscow's demands, they were annexed. Finland, on the other hand, refused to comply, leading to the Soviet Union's invasion on November 30, 1939, marking the beginning of the Winter War.
The "Communist Party of Finland," directed from Moscow, aligned with the Soviet Union against Finland's democratically elected government and the Finnish defenders.
The mission of the Communist International, or Comintern, and its few remaining Finnish factions was to establish the Finnish People's Government under Otto Wille Kuusinen. This puppet government was used by the Russians to legitimize their aggressive war against Finland.
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| Terijoki Train Station, built in 1917 |
As the "People's Delegation" rebellion collapsed in the spring of 1918, one of its key figures, Otto Wille Kuusinen, fled to Russia with other members. He skillfully gained favor with Lenin and Stalin, earning high-ranking positions in the Comintern.
As we told in our episode "Sandarmoh - Finns in Stalin's persecutions," tens of thousands had become the targets of Stalin's persecutions carried out by the NKVD, which started in the 1930s. Many Finns who had emigrated to Soviet Russia were executed or sent to prison camps. Even high political status offered no protection, as seen in the case of Kullervo Manner, chairman of the People's Delegation, who fled to Russia in 1918 and was convicted in 1935 of "conspiracy with Finnish fascists." Manner died in a forced labor camp in January 1939, officially from tuberculosis. Notably, Russia has long used the term "fascist" for its primary enemies.
Kuusinen, however, escaped such a fate and, on the eve of the Winter War, was tasked with forming a Finnish puppet government for the Soviet Union.
Originally, Arvo Tuominen was to lead this government, but he refused, citing the shocking Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of August 1939 as his reason. Consequently, the role was assigned to Otto Wille Kuusinen, then the secretary of the Comintern's executive committee.
Kuusinen was instructed to assemble Finnish communists who had survived Stalin's purges. The Finnish Communist Party, founded in Moscow in August 1918 with Kuusinen as a founding member, issued a declaration stating: "For the second time in the history of Finland, the Finnish working class rises up in an open fight against the power of money."
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| Otto Wille Kuusinen |
The Soviet Union aimed to obscure their true actions by creating a narrative of an uprising in Finland, which would lead to a new "people's government" requesting Soviet assistance.
To lend credibility, the Soviet Union decided this new government should be established within Finland's borders. This was purportedly done on the second day of the war in the captured town of Terijoki.
Known as the Terijoki Government in Finland, its "Declaration of the Finnish People's Parliament" was broadcast from Terijoki on December 1st by Moscow radio. However, this was merely a facade. The Finnish forces were retreating from Terijoki on that day, making the establishment there unlikely.
Prime Minister Otto Wille Kuusinen likely remained in Moscow during November and December 1939. Other government members included red communists who fled Finland in 1918, like Akseli Anttila and Tuure Lehen, and those who later moved to the Soviet Union, such as Mauritz Rosenberg, Armas Äikia, and Inkeri Lehtinen. The seventh member, Paavo Prokkonen, was originally from the Russian Communist Party.
While Finland's legitimate government was still negotiating for peace, Moscow declared it would only recognize Kuusinen's government. On December 2nd, as part of this deception, Kuusinen's government signed a state treaty with the Soviet Union. This agreement ostensibly granted the Soviets the lease of Hankoniemi, the shifting of the Isthmus border, and control over Kalastaja Island and the Gulf of Finland islands—demands previously made to Finland's government. In reality, the Soviet Union sought to achieve these aims through aggressive warfare.
This charade was justified by claiming that the valiant Red Army was now aiding the Finnish People's Government in fighting against warmongers, fascists, and oppressors, according to the aid and friendship agreement.
ACTIONS OF THE PEOPLE'S GOVERNMENT
In its declaration, the Terijoki Government announced the creation of the Finnish People's Army, intended to become the security forces after Finland's conquest. The government also vowed to raise the flag of the People's Republic of Finland over the Presidential Palace, symbolizing victory for the working people and striking fear into their enemies.
The so-called Finnish People's Army reached a maximum strength of 22,594 men, primarily consisting of Karelians, Ingrians, and other Finnish-speaking conscripts, including older Reds who had fled after the Finnish Civil War. Stalin's purges had impacted the officer ranks, leaving only 91 Red officers to serve in the People's Army.
Despite the green uniforms distinguishing them from Russian troops and Akseli Anttila, Kuusinen's Minister of Defense, serving as division commander, the People's Army was directly controlled by Marshal Kliment Voroshilov, who led the military operations.
The Finnish People's Government issued its own currency and published four newspapers: Kansan Valta, Kansan Sana, Kansan Armeija, and Suomen Kansan Ääni. Their program also promised reforms like an eight-hour workday, which had already been established in Finland 22 years earlier.
REACTION OF THE FINNS
The Soviets believed that the divisions from the 1918 civil war and subsequent purges would still split the Finnish people.
Contrary to Stalin's expectations, the Finnish reaction was unified. Rather than welcoming the Red Army, the Finnish workers did not join the invaders. Instead, the Finns united and rejected the Terijoki Government with disgust rather than support.
Soviet intelligence had failed to accurately assess the Finnish situation. Stalin's paranoia led to the removal of Finnish-speaking intelligence officers during the purges, leaving the NKVD and GRU without experienced intelligence chiefs in Helsinki.
Realizing in the fall of 1939 that Finland would not comply with Soviet territorial demands, Stalin rushed inexperienced officers like Jelisei Sinitsyn and Colonel Ivan Smirnov to Finland weeks before the attack.
The perception of Finland was outdated. The bloody civil war was over 20 years past, the Lapua Movement had been quelled in 1932, and Mannerheim had unified the nation since becoming Field Marshal in 1933. Political divides had also narrowed under Cajander's government.
The non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in August 1939 shocked even hardened Finnish communists. Reports of comrades missing or dead in the Soviet Union further dampened their spirits.
The establishment of the Terijoki Government confirmed Soviet ambitions to many Finnish sympathizers, especially when Moscow recognized it as the legitimate government and declared the "hated" Ryti government had fled Helsinki. Even SKP General Secretary Arvo Tuominen urged Finnish communists from Stockholm not to believe Kuusinen's declarations.
On December 2, 1939, the Social Democratic Party of Finland and the Central Confederation of Finnish Trade Unions (SAK) declared their full support for the Ryti government and Finland's fight for freedom:
"The will of the Finnish working class for peace is sincere. However, unless the attackers respect this will, the Finnish working class will have no other option than to fight violence with a gun in hand for the country's right to self-determination, democracy, and peace."
END OF TERIJOKI'S ADMINISTRATION
The effort to convince Finns and the international community of the legitimacy of the Terijoki Government failed almost immediately. Finnish workers neither joined the Red Army nor welcomed them; instead, they resisted with bullets, uniting against the invaders and giving rise to the Winter War spirit.
Even Germany, the Soviet Union's ally at the time, did not recognize the Terijoki Government, nor did any other country. As the attempt faltered and the war dragged on, Stalin quietly dissolved the puppet government of Kuusinen in January 1940.
The Finns' unity, determination, and resilience were crucial in facing the Soviet aggression. Their ability to see through enemy disinformation and propaganda was vital, much like it is today.
CONCLUSION
We must remain vigilant against any attempts to divide us through information warfare, discord, or emotional propaganda. Modern examples include numerous troll accounts on discussion forums or illegitimate administrations set up by aggressors in occupied territories. We must ensure that we can identify and counteract "Kuusinen-like" actors and their influencers in the future.
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