RUSSIA: The 1999 Russian Apartment Bombings

The Moscow concert hall attack was a horrific event that shook Russia and the international community on March 22, 2024. Over 133 people died in this terrible attack, where several gunmen opened fire and set the building ablaze. However, this was not the first time that Russia faced terrorist attacks. The 1999 apartment bombings was just as shocking for the Russian people. Both events share something at the heart of this sadness; both have influenced Russian politics afterward in favor of Vladimir Putin.

In this blog post, we will discuss the 1999 bombings, delving into the details of the attacks, the investigation and suspects, and how the events helped Putin's rise to power. 

BOMBINGS AMIST POLITICAL INSTABILITY

To understand the gravity of the 1999 Russian apartment bombings, it's essential to grasp the tumultuous political and social climate that characterized Russia during the late 1990s. Economic instability, separatist conflicts, and widespread disillusionment fueled tensions across the nation. Amidst this backdrop, a series of devastating explosions rocked apartment buildings in Moscow, Buynaksk, and Volgodonsk, claiming hundreds of innocent lives and instilling fear and uncertainty among the populace.

Just before the bombings occurred, a Russian journalist wrote in the Moskovskaya Pravda that there would be terrorist attacks in Moscow. Aleksandr Zhilin already predicted in July, 1999 that the goverment would be behind this event. He cited secret leaked Kremlin documents as evidence. Zhilin also named Moscow mayor, Yuri Luzhkov, and Yevgeny Primakov, then-former prime minister, as being involved in this plot. The reason for the terrorist attack was to undermine Yelsin's opponents. His warnings were written off as ramblings and ignored. Duma deputy Konstantin Borovoi also gave a warning. He was informed by a GRU source that there would be a terrorist attack on 9th September 1999. This was presented to the Security Council, but they also ignored him. 

At this time, there was an internal conflict in Russia, in the republic of Dagestan. On August 1999, an Islamist group invaded the Russian province. According to some historians, they were backed by the government of Russia to start the conflict so that the Kremlin could justify starting another war in Chechnya. The plan was to have a small military operation that would occupy the northern part of the region, up to the Terek River valley. This was approved by then-prime minister, Vladimir Putin. However, after the apartment bombings, Putin was caught up in the national outrage and the plans changed to a much more destructive campaign to subdue all of Chechnya. This caught the Russian military unprepared, and it led to a longer than necessary conflict. 

VLADIMIR PUTIN'S RISE TO POWER 

Putin's rise to power accelerated inthe chaos and uncertainty following the terrorist attacks. As acting Prime Minister, he capitalized on public fear and insecurity, presenting himself as a strong and decisive leader capable of restoring stability and order.

The bombings provided a pretext for Putin to launch a military campaign in Chechnya, positioning himself as a defender of Russian interests and a staunch defender against terrorism. The handling of the crisis by Vladimir Putin greatly boosted his popularity and helped him attain the presidency within a few months.

THE BOMBINGS

In September, 1999 a series of explosions hit four apartment blocks in various Russian cities: Moscow, Buynaksk, and Volgodonsk. More than 300 people died in this tragic event, and over 1,000 people were injured. This spread panic and fear throughout the whole country. The bombings not only claimed innocent lives but also shattered the illusion of security within Russian society. The citizens could no longer feel safe in their own homes, as the fear of terrorism loomed large over their daily lives. The attacks exposed vulnerabilities in Russia's security apparatus and raised troubling questions about the government's ability to protect its citizens from internal threats.

BUYANKSK, DAGESTAN 

The first city that was hit was Buynaksk on September 4th, 1999. At 22:00, a car bomb detonated just outside a five-story apartment building. The significance of this is that Buynaksk is located in Dagestan, near the border with Chechnya. The apartment building housed Russian border guard soldiers and their families. 

In this attack, 64 people died, and 133 were injured. Soon after this explosion, another bomb was discovered and defused. It held over 2,700kg of explosive material. It was discovered by residents in a parking lot, near an army hospital and residential buildings.

MOSCOW 

On September 9th, 1999, a bomb exploded in a southeast Moscow apartment building, causing extensive damage and claiming the lives of 106 people while injuring 249 others. The explosion,  destroyed the nine-story building and damaged 19 nearby structures, resulting in the destruction of 108 apartments. Traces of RDX and TNT were discovered at the site, and witnesses reported seeing four men fleeing in a car before the blast.

The following day, the FSB declared the bombing a terrorist attack.  Vladimir Putin, then due to attend the 1999 APEC summit, decided to go ahead with his trip to Auckland after consulting with Boris Yeltsin. The Russian President took personal control of the investigation and ordered the search of 30,000 residential buildings in Moscow for explosives, while Putin declared a day of mourning on September 13 for the victims. 

A few days later, at 05:00 on September 13th, a horrific explosion rocked a basement apartment on Kashirskoye Highway in southern Moscow. The blast, which occurred about 6 kilometers from the previous attack site, resulted in the deaths of 119 individuals and left 200 others injured. The destruction was intensified by the building's brick construction, causing the eight-story structure to collapse completely and scatter debris across the street, with concrete fragments thrown hundreds of meters away.

On that same day, a local businessman named Achemez Gochiyaev alerted the police to the presence of bombs in apartment buildings on Borisovskiye Prudy and Kapotnya in Moscow. Two bombs were subsequently discovered and defused by the authorities. Gochiyaev alleged that he had been set up by an old acquaintance, an FSB officer, who had asked him to rent basements for storage at four locations where explosives were later found. 

Following the second explosion on Kashirskoye Highway, Gochiyaev realized he had been framed and contacted the police, directing them to the basements of two other buildings where the actual explosives were located, thereby preventing further explosions. In 2002, Yuri Felshtinsky and Alexander Litvinenko obtained a written testimony, a video recording, and several photographs from Gochiyaev corroborating his account.

VOLGODONSK, ROSTOV OBLAST 

On September 16, 1999, a truck bomb detonated outside a nine-story apartment complex in the southern Russian city of Volgodonsk, resulting in the deaths of 17 individuals and injuring 69 others. The explosion occurred at 5:57 am, causing damage to surrounding buildings. Additionally, the blast occurred approximately 14 kilometers (9 miles) from a nuclear power plant. 

In response, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin issued a decree mandating law enforcement and other agencies to develop plans within three days aimed at safeguarding industry, transportation, communications, food processing centers, and nuclear complexes.

What was interesting about this bombing is that three days earlier, Russian Duma speaker Gennadiy Seleznyov, a member of the Communist Party, announced that he had received a report indicating that an apartment building in Volgodonsk had been bombed the previous night. When confronted with this information in the Duma the day after the explosion by Vladimir Zhirinovsky, another Duma member, Seleznyov silenced him by turning off his microphone. Zhirinovsky pointed out the discrepancy, questioning Seleznyov's prior announcement.

Seleznyov later clarified that he had been referring to a separate explosion in Volgodonsk orchestrated by criminal gangs. Alexander Litvinenko suggested that the order of the bombings had been intentionally misrepresented, dubbing it a "Kontora mess up," with Moscow-2 occurring on the 13th and Volgodonsk on the 16th, but relayed to Seleznyov in reverse. Investigator Mikhail Trepashkin confirmed that the individual who passed the note to Seleznyov was indeed an FSB officer.

RYAZAN, RYAZAN OBLAST 

On September 22, 1999, Alexei Kartofelnikov of Ryazan noticed two suspicious men bringing sacks into the basement of his apartment building, prompting him to alert the police. Upon their arrival, three sacks containing 50 kg (110 lb) of white powder, along with a detonator and timer set for 5:30 AM, were discovered. Evacuations ensued, with nearly 30,000 residents spending the night on the street out of fear.

Explosive engineers later attempted to detonate the substance at a firing ground but failed, leading to widespread panic and the identification of suspects, who were later revealed to be FSB agents conducting a supposed security exercise. Russian authorities initially treated the incident as a real threat but later labeled it as security training, causing controversy and prompting criticism of the FSB's actions in conducting such exercises without proper notification or regard for public safety.

THE INVESTIGATION AND SUSPECTS

Following the bombings, Russian authorities launched a massive investigation to identify and apprehend those responsible. Suspects, including Chechen militants and Russian citizens with alleged ties to separatist groups, were arrested and interrogated. However, the investigation was plagued by allegations of torture, coercion, and political manipulation. These allegations casted doubt on the integrity of the process.

In 2000, the investigation into the Buynaksk attack concluded with the conviction of seven individuals for the bombing. Russia completed its pre-trial investigation of the Moscow and Volgodonsk bombings in 2002, attributing them to ethnic Karachay (an indigenous North Caucasian-Turkic ethnic group native to the North Caucasus) Achemez Gochiyayev. The attacks were planned by militants Ibn al-Khattab and Abu Omar al-Saif, who fought alongside Chechen insurgents.

The explosives were purportedly prepared in Chechnya and transported to various cities, with specific details such as mixing aluminum powder, nitre, and sugar in a concrete mixer or adding RDX and TNT. 

While the official investigation attributed the bombings to the Chechen terrorists, alternatives theories have emerged that the Kremlin is complicit in the attacks, or parts of it. Some believe that the attacks were orchestrated to justify military intervention in Chechnya and consolidate power in the Kremlin. However, conclusive evidence to support these claims remains elusive, leaving the truth behind the bombings shrouded in uncertainty.

CONCLUSION

The 1999 Russian apartment bombings stand as a stark reminder of the fragility of societal trust and the dangers of unchecked power. The intricate web of political maneuvering and security lapses surrounding these attacks suggests a deeper, more sinister narrative at play. Allegations of state involvement and manipulation have fueled suspicions of a wider conspiracy, implicating high-ranking officials and intelligence agencies. 

The rushed investigations and closed-door court hearings have only served to deepen the sense of mistrust and skepticism among the public, leaving many unanswered questions lingering in the air. This lack of transparency and accountability has eroded the foundation of trust between the government and its citizens, perpetuating a cycle of suspicion and disillusionment that continues to haunt Russian society to this day.

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